Rome: The NATO summit held in The Hague on June 24-25 may be remembered less for its urgent reaffirmations -- support for Ukraine, increased defence spending, and condemnation of Iranian strikes -- than for a more disciplined, forward-looking pivot: the Indo-Pacific now occupies a central place in NATO's strategic imagination as the Indo-Mediterranean plunges into conflict.

This is no small shift. For much of its post–Cold War history, NATO's gaze remained firmly Atlantic. Even when it extended outward -- toward Afghanistan or Libya -- it did so from the assumption that security threats radiated outward from Europe. The idea that Asia could shape Euro-Atlantic stability was once considered speculative. That assumption has now collapsed.

NATO's engagement with the Indo-Pacific predates the Ukraine war. In the late 2010s and early 2020s, the alliance began quietly deepening ties with democratic Indo-Pacific partners -- Japan, Australia, South Korea, and New Zealand -- eventually institutionalising these relationships through the "IP4" format. Yet it was Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and China's subsequent strategic alignment with Moscow that sharpened the view from Brussels. The 2022 NATO Strategic Concept explicitly stated that China's "coercive policies challenge our interests, security, and values." At The Hague, that posture hardened. China was identified not only as a systemic rival but as a "decisive enabler" of Russia's war machine.

Even so, NATO's ambitions remain limited by design. The alliance does not seek to become an Indo-Pacific bloc. It cannot, and should not, replicate its Euro-Atlantic structure in Asia. Instead, it is seeking what might be called "strategic elasticity" -- flexible partnerships, practical coordination, and technological interoperability that enhance deterrence without requiring formal alignment.

This is where India enters the picture -- not as an ally, but as a necessary partner.

India remains committed to strategic autonomy and non-alignment. It is not part of the IP4, nor will it seek NATO membership or treaty-bound commitments. New Delhi has historically resisted bloc politics and retains strong historical ties to Moscow, even as it seeks to diversify its defence posture. But that autonomy should not be mistaken for passivity. In recent years, India has developed a proactive Indo-Pacific agenda, exemplified by its SAGAR doctrine -- Security and Growth for All in the Region -- and more recently, the 'Mahasagar' initiative, announced in late 2024.

Mahasagar (Sanskrit for "great ocean") signals India's intent to become the principal architect of stability in the Western Indo-Pacific. It combines maritime domain awareness, defence-industrial cooperation, and blue economy coordination across the Arabian Sea, the Bay of Bengal, and the African littoral.

Importantly, it also envisions interoperability with like-minded navies and integration of undersea surveillance and cyber capabilities. While not aimed at any single actor, Mahasagar is a clear strategic counterweight to China's Belt and Road naval encirclement of the Indian Ocean.